What caused the Palestinian refugees?

       Anyone remotely interested in the Arab-Israeli conflict is well aware of the debate still raging about what caused the Palestinian Arab exodus during the 1948 War. Only two years after the end of the war in 1951 the UN observed “The reasons for their flight are still a point of bitter dispute between the contending parties”1 and the same is true today. While one extreme side of the spectrum accuses Israel of expelling Arabs to ethnically cleanse Israel, the other contends Arab leadership both locally and abroad ordered the Arab inhabitants out of the way so they would not be harmed while the Arabs attempted another genocide against the Jewish population. As is often the case, neither extreme on its own is accurate and it was instead a number of instigating factors leading to the final refugee count.

       It should be emphasized, however, that any specific factors that can be identified to explain why the Arabs fled their homes are but the offspring of war. When one pans out a bit from micro-analyzing why they fled, answering the question becomes quite obvious. It was war; the war Palestinian militias with assistance from foreign irregular troops launched the day after the United Nations voted to grant the Jews a state, and the conventional military invasion that followed after Israel declared their independence. Regardless of whether the Jews violently expelled the Palestinian Arabs in the midst of this war, or whether the Arab leadership demanded they flee their homes, had there not been an Arab invasion Israel would have been given no excuse to force out Palestinians and there would have been nothing for the Palestinians to flee from. This is simple cause and effect.

       There is certainly nothing inappropriate about examining the individual reasons for the flight of refugees. The problem, of course, arises when for political reasons, only the most unsavory instigation is mentioned to the exclusion of all other factors involved. In the case of the Palestinian refugees, that some of them were expelled by Israel within the war has become such a focal point of so many critics, any other factors are scarecely mentioned. In other words, one of the tactics employed by Israel to win the war has become more reprehensible than the Arab decision to wage it; the Israeli decision to expel more dastardly than the Arab decision to invade.

For example:

       As you can see, the conclusion that Palestinian Arabs were primarily or exclusively expelled is being built-in to the discussion as if there could be no dispute8. These are the people who intentionally deprive the Arab invasion of its significance (the root cause of the refugees) and focus instead on one of its consequences (expulsions) as the main issue. Ignoring the cause and scrutinizing only one of the effects is of course done to remove culpability from the Arab’s actions and place them instead on the Jews’ reactions. That is politics, not history.


"There were multiple and varied reasons for the increased numbers of Palestinian Arab refugees. Among them were the physical ravages of war, breakdown of law and order, elimination of employment opportunities, growing panic fed by real and perceived tales of Zionist atrocities, a definite intent by Israeli leaders to minimize the number of Arabs who would ultimately be present in a Jewish state, and a Palestinian desire to protect self and family. ... The preponderance of historical evidence suggests that all the above factors contributed to the emergence of the Palestinian refugee problem ..."9

"The exodus of Palestinian Arabs resulted from panic created by fighting in their communities, by rumours concerning real or alleged acts of terrorism, or expulsion.10

"Very few historians would accept the claim that all of the refugees, or even most of them, were deliberately expelled by the Israelis any more than they would accept the Israeli counterclaim that all left of their own accord."11


       Let it be said from the beginning that Israeli expulsions of Palestinian Arabs did occur and directly created more refugees than there otherwise would have been. Israel did not expel all the refugees or even most of the refugees, but they did expel some. Along with the expulsions, numerous other factors can be identified that led to the Palestinian Arab’s decision to flee their homes. Due to the political tinderbox that is the expulsion of Palestinian Arabs, I have addressed this issue on its own here: The Expulsion of the Palestinian Arabs. The remainder of this page will concern all the other catalysts responsible for prompting the flight of Palestinian Arabs from their homes which are:



The War Itself:

       Briefly touched upon above, wars create refugees. Before we can analyze the behavior and choices (and the morality of such choices) of either party to the conflict during the war, we have to first admit that had the Arabs chosen a peaceful means of dealing with the state of Israel, war would not have ensued and the refugee problem would never have become an issue in the first place. The decision for war was exclusively Arab. It was up to them to decide whether the situation in Palestine necessitated violence and chose in the affirmative. I am not here condemning or defending the choice to fight, I am simply pointing out that it was, in fact, a choice rather than a necessity, and a choice the Jewish community in Palestine was not given. A war was thrust upon them, so they fought. Because of this reason, the lion’s share of the blame for the subsequent effects of war, which includes the Palestinian Arab refugees, lies with the Arab decision for war.

       When making such a decision it should have been obvious that with war come refugees regardless of the behavior on either side. In such an atmosphere, whether there be atrocities or no atrocities, whether war crimes or no war crimes, people will flee and most responsibility for the flight of these people can only be placed on the shoulders of the aggressors, in this case, the local Palestinian militias and hostiles, and later the armies of (primarily) Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon.

       Quite significantly, although there was a war being waged, "A mass psychosis developed which resulted in the abandonment of Arab villages, frequently even before they were threatened by the progress of war."12. Also, the U.N. “was informed that two to three hundred thousand people had fled before the end of the British Mandate.”13 This is roughly half of the total number of refugees created during the 1948 Palestine War that fled in anticipation of the Arab invasion even before the British were gone. Such information is obviously damaging to the people quoted above and like-minded individuals who want no explanation for the refugees apart from Israeli “ethnic cleansing”.


"The Palestinians fled for many reasons and from many threats, both real and imaginary, and that thousands upon thousands fled when nobody pushed them. As an example, when my unit occupied the abandoned British police station at Sidn'a Ali in the Sharon Plain, British troops were still stationed in the vicinity, and we had to train and patrol with our few guns (antiquated or homemade) concealed. Nevertheless, the Arabs of Sidn'a Ali were long gone, way before we could have pushed them out, and while the Brits were still in place to protect them from us."640


       In addition to the actual violence war brings, those who might otherwise try to stick it out are effected by other war zone conditions including a breakdown in the economy as well as a general atmosphere of anarchy. Quite a few of the major cities such as Haifa, Jaffa, and Jerusalem as well as dozens of smaller villages within Palestine suffered from massive inflation with the costs of basic necessities such as bread and clean water exponentially rising in price. Looting and vandalism were rampant. All of this contributed to more and more locals leaving.

       "... the Arab exodus was not propelled only by the war-making and direct Arab and Jewish policies or actions. The changing economic circumstances also contributed. Almost from the first, the less-organized Arab economy was hard-hit. ... The separation of the two populations during the first weeks of fighting resulted in an economic divorce – cutting off many Arabs from their Jewish workplaces and closing the Jewish marketplace to Arab goods, especially agricultural products. ... By early March 1948, commerce in Jaffa was reported at a standstill and fuel was scarce; speculation and acts of robbery were rife ... By early April, flour was in short supply in Jaffa and Haifa (and Acre). Unemployment soared. The flight of the Arab middle class, which resulted in the closure of workshops and businesses, contributed to unemployment, as did the gradual shutdown of the British administration. All the Arab banks had closed by the end of April. Prices – of flour, petrol, and other basic goods – also soared. ... The hostilities led to supply problems, especially in the towns. Arab public transportation gradually ground to a halt."14



Abuse of local populace from foreign militias:

       Before and during the battles came foreign irregular soldiers from Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon whose treatment of the local Arab population was often times more hostile than the Jewish reactions to the aggression:

       Palestinian Arabs being abused at the hands of fellow Arabs was nothing new and probably expected. In the midst of the Arab revolt of 1936-39 as “the Arab campaign of murder and sabotage gathered strength … any [Palestinian Arabs] who remained and attempted loyalty to Government or refused assistance to the rebels were subjected to intimidation, abduction, and murder …”130 Their previous treatment undoubtedly came to mind as foreign militias came pouring into Palestine to stir up a war with the Jews.



Dissolution and flight of the Arab leadership:

       It is a highly convincing reason to leave town when you see your leadership and your neighbors who have the means to leave doing the same. The effects on the decision of the rest of the Palestinian Arabs to flee their homes at such a sight should not be underestimated. I would have serious doubts over the will of even the Jews to stay and endure the war had their leadership fled the scene. The Jews did not make the decision to run. Many Arabs did. This was a major factor in the outcome of the war in the Jews’ favor. The following citations show that the flight by the leadership and the “more moneyed” Arabs of Palestine “began immediately after the General Assembly decision at the end of November 1947”60



Fear of Retribution:

       It is apparent that a motivation for usually the Muslim Arab refugees to flee their homes was an expectation that revenge would be exacted upon them for previous treatment of the Jews; the Jews who now had the upper hand in the military conflict.

       Yaacov Lozowick who belonged to the self-critical Israeli Peace Now organization points out the “… relationship between the harshness of the Jews and the resistance of the locals or their previous behavior. Druze villagers were usually left intact. Christian Arabs were often also not expelled, nor did they flee before the approaching Israeli forces. Muslims, especially those who had reason to fear retaliation for past behavior, either fled in advance or were expelled.”55



Arab appeals for local Palestinian Arabs to flee:

       Just as vociferously as Israel's critics promote ethnic cleansing via expulsions as the only significant cause of the Palestinian refugees, they also reject the fact Palestinians were instructed to leave their homes by Arab civilian and military leadership. The very idea that such a thing could have happened is typically laughed off as a tired, Zionist myth, despite the onslaught of evidence that it did in fact happen.

       In my correspondence with Professor Efraim Karsh, he advised “rather than look[ing] for the single ‘blanket order,’ one has to assemble the countless pieces of evidence into a complex mosaic on the basis of archival searches. The overall picture that will emerge will clearly show that a substantial number of Palestinian Arabs were driven out by their own brothers.”100 Here is the mosaic I have assembled so far:

Benny Morris’ accounts of Arab appeals to flee (from “Birth Revisited”):

       Norman Finkelstein writing in Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict600 manages to shoot his own toes by repeatedly calling the claim that Palestinian Arabs were encouraged or ordered to flee Palestine “Israeli propaganda” (pg. 56), a “standard Zionist claim” (pg. 58), and as being among “standard Israeli claims” (pg. 87). Edward Atiyah, author of The Arabs605 whose statement I cite in the evidence above also refers to this claim as a “Zionist allegation”35. But out of the dozens of unique sources I have listed above, only a minority can be considered “Zionist”. How then does he (or anyone else) explain the intent of these sources if there were no Arab demands that Palestinians flee? What leads the many Arab sources to tow the “Zionist” line and propagate “Israeli propaganda” on behalf of the Jewish state that their own countries just got done trying to destroy?

       Finkelstein focuses only on radio as the broadcast medium when confidently asserting no such orders were given to the Palestinians. Yet were there no other methods of communication besides the radio? It is not unrealistic to conclude that in a relatively backward region of the world populated mostly by poor people, radio was not the primary method of communication. Bernard Lewis points out that radio broadcasting was not used even in Egypt (much less Palestine) to communicate news on a large scale until 1952645. Newspapers, posters, leaflets, notices, and the word of mouth generated from such communications were much more common and effective in relaying information. For example,

       Alphonse de Lamartine, writing in the 1830s gives us a glimpse of how effective word of mouth communicated even trivial news: "It may be easily imagined with what rapidity the news flies from mouth to mouth throughout Arabia [referring to the Near East in general]. It is already known at Damascus, Aleppo, Latakin, Saida, and Jerusalem, that a stranger is arrived, and that he is about to traverse these regions"235 For even vital messages to be communicated in these ways illustrates how pervasive these methods were used in Palestine. Focusing only on radio misses all of this … in Finkelstein’s case, probably on purpose.

       He then goes on to demonstrate “the absurdity of this pretense” by citing Simha Flapan: “From the point of view of military logistics, the contention that the Palestinian Arab leadership appealed to the Arab masses to leave their homes … makes no sense at all. The Arab armies, coming long distances and operating in or from the Arab areas of Palestine, needed the help of the local population for food, fuel, water, transport, manpower, and information.” (pg. 59).

       But the Palestinian Arabs did not limit their violations of sound logistics only to the military realm. For example, selling vast swaths of land to Zionist settlers could be considered operating contrary to sound logistics if your goal was to prevent a Zionist foothold in Palestine, but it happened. Launching internal terror campaigns against rival Arab political groups that destroyed any sense of Palestinian unity could be considered operating contrary to sound logistics if your goal is building a state, but it happened. With such a background there is no justification whatsoever to doubt that Palestinian Arabs would operate contrary to military logistics as well. Nevermind the lackluster performance of every other Arab army invading Israel in 1948.

       Finkelstein's argument, that because ideal logistics were violated, then the violation must not have happened, ironically contradicts one of his primary accusations against Israel in the 1948 war: Jewish ethnic cleansing of Arabs. One conclusion of Joseph Schechtman's exhaustive studies on population transfers and expulsions around the world is "if population transfer is deemed unavoidable, there must be no trace of the collective minority existence left, no stuff for the resurgence of the minority problem."210 Following Finkelstein's logic, we conclude not that the Israelis executed a plan to expel Arabs, but that the mere existence of such a plan is absurd because Israel violated sound ethnic cleansing logistics by leaving a rather sizable minority existence. Unsurprisingly, Finkelstein only activates this argument when it proves detrimental to Israel and totally ignores how it works to contradict his own judgments made elsewhere.

       In any event, Arab leaders ordering Palestinians to flee their homes has been on record from when Djemal Pasha ordered the evacuation of Jaffa during WWI in 1917240 to Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah's appeal in 2006: "I have a special message to the Arabs of Haifa, to your martyrs and to your wounded. I call on you to leave this city. I hope you do this. … Please leave so we don't shed your blood, which is our blood".50



Exaggerations and rumors:

       The detrimental effect that exaggerated and embellished rumors or reports had on the will of the Palestinian populace to remain cannot be understated. What villagers heard of previous battles, saturated with lies and exaggerations, was directly responsible for inducing such fear among the Palestinian Arabs that they often times were gone before the advancing Israelis ever showed up. Who can blame them? If the Israelis really were that drunk with brutality, leaving a trail of atrocities across Palestine, most would probably decide to not stick around to experience it. Unfortunately most if not all of the local Arabs hearing these reports were not given an accurate description of what really happened and therefore, were not given a real chance to make the decision to stay in their homes. It’s impossible to come up with a figure for how many would have stayed had they not been forced out through Arab scare tactics, but undoubtedly many would have chose to stay put.

       The motivation to spread such horrific rumors varied of course. Some of it was to entice the surrounding Arab nations to invade on behalf of the local Palestinian Arabs, to generate negative international opinions against the new Israeli state, to unite the divided Arab community together in a common cause of warring against the Jews, and to provoke violent reactions from otherwise passive Palestinian Arabs who just wanted to farm. Whatever the reasons, the tactic backfired and inspired more flight than anything else:

       Arabs were using rumors and exaggerations against fellow Arabs to manipulate the social climate for decades. As far back as the 1920's the British administration of Palestine reported "The wildest stories as to the intentions of the Jews and the fate awaiting the Arabs were circulated in the towns and villages, and were often believed by a credulous people."205



Some Arabs wanted no part in a Jewish state:

       Whether for reasons of pride, hatred, fear of the Jews, or fear of being branded a traitor for living among Jews, Arabs abandoned their homes even when the dangers of war were over.


"The Arabs, including not only Palestinian Arabs, but those of the seven Arab States, find it extremely difficult to accept even the fact a Jewish State in Palestine.280


       Antipathy toward Arab citizenship in a Jewish state didn't end in 1948. The next refugee creating war Israel fought in 1967 serves as another example when “the Six Day War was over, without any pressures or promises from any side, when there was not even the hint or rumor of a threat to the safety of life or property, some 200,000 Arabs in Judea and Samaria packed their belongings and crossed the Jordan. Day after day the caravans of trucks and buses and private cars drove down to the approaches to the river. … Three weeks after the war I was able to visit the area. I watched the progress of the evacuees to the bridge. I asked a well-dressed young man where he came from and why he was leaving. He explained that, as an employee of the Jordanian government stationed at Bethlehem, he had been instructed to report to Amman. Once across the river, the Arabs were interviewed by foreign newspapermen. There everyone who told his story claimed to have been driven out by the Jews.”145

“A pregnant description of this phenomenon is contained in the London Times of June 7, 1948, in a dispatch from its correspondent in Amman. ‘Syria, Lebanon, Transjordan and even Iraq were filled with fugitives from Palestine, many of them young men of military age still carrying arms … The cafes and hotel lobbies continued to be filled with young effendis whose idea was that though something must be done it should be done by somebody else. Some of them had spent a week or so at the front and on the strength of this they felt entitled to return to less dangerous climes.’

Were they all cowards? Were they all stupid? They were neither. They did not, indeed, think long; they decided quickly. It was not difficult to decide – because they did not see the invaders from the Arab states as foreign soldiers, nor their own destination as an exile. They considered the move as being to another part of the Arab world, to another place where Arabic was spoken, to a place where they would find their own people, often their own relatives. To move from Acre to Beirut, from Akir to Nablus, was like an American’s moving from Cincinnati to Detroit or from Trenton to Boston.”
155


       Well before war broke out, one of the motivations for Palestinian Arabs to sell land to Jewish buyers was that some "Arabs wanted to sell land that was geographically situated in the proposed Jewish state."640 The image surrounding the Palestinian Arabs as a people who would by no means leave their land and homes for any reason other than an Israeli machine gun is a false one:




Footnotes:
1  United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. Assistance to Palestine Refugees: Report of the Director of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. New York: United Nations, 1951.
8  Conversely, see A Sovereign Palestine? No Chance (Site accessed Dec 02, 2007) where an opposing, yet equally misleading position is maintained that “In 1948, roughly 700,000 Palestinian Arabs … heeded calls from the Arab world and fled their homes in the newly proclaimed Israel.” Notice the insinuation that “roughly 700,000” refugees all just lined up and left town upon receiving their orders.
13  United Nations. General Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine, Official Records: Fifth Session Supplement No. 18 (A/1367/Rev.1)
35  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blaming_the_Victims#Broadcasts_Christopher_Hitchens (Internet Archive confirms quote as of Sept 13, 2006)
50  MacKinnon, Ian. Haifa's Arabs Urged to Flee Rocket Attacks
55  Lozowick, Yaacov. Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars. New York: Doubleday, 2003. 99.
60  Emil Ghory, secretary of the Arab High Council, Lebanese daily Al-Telegraph, 6 Sept 1948
70  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 91.
75  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 98.
80  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 112.
85  Karsh, E. "Nakbat Haifa: Collapse and Dispersion of a Major Palestinian Community." Middle Eastern Studies. 37. 4 (2001): 52.
100  "Arab requests for Palestinians to flee." E-Mail to Professor Efraim Karsh. 13 Jan. 2007.
125  Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Jewish Problems in Palestine and Europe. A Survey of Palestine Prepared in December 1945 and January 1946 for the Information of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry. [Jerusalem?]: Printed by the Government Printer, Palestine, 1946. 45.
130  Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Jewish Problems in Palestine and Europe. A Survey of Palestine Prepared in December 1945 and January 1946 for the Information of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry. [Jerusalem?]: Printed by the Government Printer, Palestine, 1946. 45.
145  Katz, Shmuel. Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine. Toronto: Bantam Books, 1973. 163-164.
150  Katz, Shmuel. Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine. Toronto: Bantam Books, 1973. 164.
155  Katz, Shmuel. Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine. Toronto: Bantam Books, 1973. 161-162.
15  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
170  Avneri, Aryeh L. The Claim of Dispossession: Jewish Land-Settlement and the Arabs, 1878-1948. New Brunswick, [N.J.] USA: Transaction Books, 1984. 136.
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4  <http://www.ifamericansknew.org/about_us/o_s.html> Internet Archive confirms quote as of Oct 10, 2006)
200  Great Britain, and William Robert Wellesley Peel Peel. Palestine Royal Commission Report. London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1937.
205  An Interim Report on the Civil Administration of Palestine During the Period 1st July, 1920-30th June, 1921. Cmd. (Great Britain. Parliament), 1499. London: H.M.S.O., 1921.
210  Schechtman, Joseph B. European Population Transfers, 1939-1945. Studies of the Institute of World Affairs. New York: Oxford University Press, 1946. 478.
235  Lamartine, Alphonse de. De Lamartine's Visit to the Holy Land, or, Recollections of the East: Accompanied with Interesting Descriptions and Engravings of the Principal Scenes of Our Saviour's Ministry. London: G. Virtue, 1800. 136.
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280  United Nations. Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator on Palestine. 16 September 1948. A/648
10  United Nations. Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator on Palestine. 16 September 1948. A/648
290  Cohen, Hillel. Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, 1917-1948. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. 48
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14  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 96-97
345  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 137
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360  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 159
365  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 161-162
370  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 167
12  Schechtman, Joseph B. Population Transfers in Asia. New York: Hallsby Press, 1949. 125.
380  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 282
385  Morris, Benny. 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press, 2008. 282-283
390  Cohen, Hillel. Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, 1917-1948. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. 246
395  Cohen, Hillel. Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, 1917-1948. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. 254
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510  Karsh, E. "Nakbat Haifa: Collapse and Dispersion of a Major Palestinian Community." Middle Eastern Studies. 37. 4 (2001): 41.
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595  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 491.
600  Finkelstein, Norman G. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. London: Verso, 2003.
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635  Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies, 18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 437.
640  Gutmann, David. The Arab Lie Whose Time Has Come - Veteran of the 1948 War Dissects the Myth of Palestinian Innocence. April 21, 2004.
645  Lewis, Bernard. The Middle East: A Brief History of the Last 2,000 Years. New York, N.Y.: Scribner, 2003. 13.